Editorials/Opinions Analyses For UPSC 12 November 2021

Contents

1. A tax burden that attacks the federal rights of States
2. The lowdown on India’s Glasgow announcement

A tax burden that attacks the federal rights of States

Context:

The Narendra Modi Government reduced excise duty on petrol and diesel and this reduction was ‘dedicated’ the reduction to farmers for keeping “the economic growth momentum going even during the Covid-19 Pandemic.

However, the Centre has been levying around ₹31 and ₹33 as additional cess on petrol and diesel, respectively, till the beginning of November 2021.

Relevance:

GS-III: Indian Economy (Issues relating to Planning, Mobilization of Resources, Growth and Development of Indian Economy), GS-II: Polity and Governance (Centre-State Relations)

Dimensions of the Article:

1. Current Pricing of Petrol and Diesel
2. How much tax we pay on petrol and diesel?
3. Concerns regarding the pricing of petrol
4. About the Revenue collected from Fuel pricing
5. Relevance of Revenue-Neutral Rate (RNR)
6. Back to the Basics: Financial relations between Centre and States
7. Distribution of tax revenues between the Centre and States at Present

Current Pricing of Petrol and Diesel

• As per the latest (as of March 2021) price-build of petrol and diesel: State taxes had a smaller contribution to the retail price than central taxes.
• While the state Value Added Tax (VAT) was just over 10 and 20 rupees, on diesel and petrol respectively, the union excise duties for both petrol and diesel exceeded 30 Rs.
• These headline numbers suggest that the centre is a bigger beneficiary of tax incomes from the sale of petrol and diesel.
• This is because FFC’s earmarked share of states in centre’s revenues applies to what is called the divisible pool of taxes, which excludes cess and other forms of special taxes. Overtime, the weight of cess and other such non-sharable taxes has been increasing in the centre’s gross tax revenue. This, in practice, has meant that the share of states in gross total revenue of the centre has never reached 41% and in fact gone down overtime.

How much tax we pay on petrol and diesel?

• The Union and state levies put together account for roughly 55 per cent and 52 per cent of the retail price of petrol and diesel respectively.
• These work out to around 135 per cent and 116 per cent of the base prices of the two products respectively.
• The central levy on petrol and diesel works out to around 36 per cent of the retail price while the state component is around 20 per cent (diesel) to 28 per cent (petrol).
• Of the total central levies on petrol and diesel, Rs 1.40 per litre and Rs 1.80 per litre is the basic excise duty for the two fuels, and Rs 11 per litre and Rs 18 per litre is the special additional excise duty.
• Both these components form part of the divisible pool of taxes i.e. 42 per cent of which (approximately Rs 52,000 crore) goes to the states.
• The remaining portion of Rs 18 per litre in both cases is the Road and Infrastructure Cess and Rs 2.50 per litre and Rs 4 per litre is the Agriculture Infrastructure and Development Cess which are retained by the Centre.

Concerns regarding the pricing of petrol

• The surcharge is an additional charge or tax over and above the existing tax while the cess is a form of tax levied by the government on tax with a specific purpose. Article 270 of the Constitution describes a Cess and surcharge is dealt with under Article 271 of the Constitution.
• Some states have been critical of the Centre’s usage of these provisions. For example, the Centre has been levying around ₹31 and ₹33 as additional cess on petrol and diesel, respectively, till the beginning of November.
• They highlight that in some cases, they are manifold higher than the basic taxes which is a misuse of the provisions of the constitution.
• Since these additional charges are not part of the divisible pool, it undermines the fiscal federalism as enumerated in the Constitution and the autonomy of the states.
• Article 271 which was supposed to be used as a saving clause is being misused by the Centre.

About the Revenue collected from Fuel pricing

• According to the data released by Petroleum Planning and Analysis Cell (PPAC), the Centre has collected around ₹3.72 lakh crore in 2020-21 as revenue from petroleum products. Of this, only around ₹18,000 crores are collected as Basic Excise Duty. Around ₹2.3 lakh crore is collected as cess and the rest ₹1.2 lakh crore is collected as special additional excise duty.
• The divisible pool of 41% as decided by the Finance Commission applies only to the ₹18,000 crores.
• Even after the implementation of GST, States had retained the right to decide on the taxes on petroleum products and alcohol. With the usage of these additional taxes, the Centre has been unilaterally taking away the tax revenues which should be shared with the states.
• The need to alleviate the stress caused by the pandemic has increased the financial burden on the States. States need assistance to offer financial and social security to people.

Relevance of Revenue-Neutral Rate (RNR)

• A key aspect of GST implementation was that it would be a revenue-neutral rate (RNR) to ensure that the State’s revenues would not be diminished.
• Pre- GST, the average tax on goods was 16%. It is 11.3% at present. States are criticising that most essential items are more expensive than the pre-GST price and that the reforms have not benefited the consumers.
• States would have received at least ₹3-lakh crore additionally if the pre-GST rates were maintained. A detailed study must be conducted on why the States are losing their revenue streams.
• States are also apprehensive about the National Monetisation Pipeline and other neoliberal policies due to the mistrust which is increasing.

Back to the Basics: Financial relations between Centre and States

Articles 268 to 293 in Part XII of the Constitution along with some other provisions deal with Centre-State financial relations.

Taxing Powers

• The Parliament has exclusive power to levy taxes on the 13 subjects enumerated in the Union List, and the State legislature has exclusive power to levy taxes on the 18 subjects enumerated in the State List.
• Although there are no tax entries in the Concurrent List, the 101st Amendment Act of 2016 has made an exception by making a special provision with respect to Goods and Services Tax (GST), conferring concurrent power upon both the Parliament and the State Legislatures to make laws governing GST.
• The residuary power of taxation (that is, the power to impose taxes not enumerated in any of the three lists) is vested in the Parliament – e.g.: gift tax, wealth tax and expenditure tax.
• The Constitution also draws a distinction between the power to levy and collect a tax and the power to appropriate the proceeds of the tax so levied and collected.

Distribution of tax revenues between the Centre and States at Present

-Source: The Hindu

The lowdown on India’s Glasgow announcement

Context:

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s surprise declaration at the COP26 Climate Summit in Glasgow of striking enhancements in India’s emissions reduction targets did not, for several reasons, get the rave reviews the Government may have expected.

International commentators expressed disappointment that India was promising net zero emissions only by 2070 instead of 2050.

Relevance:

GS-III: Environment and Ecology (Conservation of the Environment, International Treaties and Agreements)

Dimensions of the Article:

1. The trend in India’s Climate Policy
2. More about India’s new targets
3. Understanding the inequities
4. Way Forward

The trend in India’s Climate Policy

• India put out a statement that we need to grow rapidly to meet the aspiration of 1.25 Billion population, and out of this 300 Million people are without access to energy at the COP 21 in Paris.
• Targeting 175 GW of renewable energy generation by 2022 and aiming to reach 40% of installed capacity from non-fossil fuels India also planned to enlarge forest cover to absorb 2.5 Billion tonnes worth of carbon dioxide.
• This change was in contrast to the long-held position that India was still a developing country and not responsible for the historical emissions. Consequently, it was not obliged to cut emissions.
• India’s pledge at Glasgow adheres to the need to tackle escalating climate crises as enunciated in the Paris Agreement.
• However, there are contradictory signals from the Government at COP 26 and the recently concluded G20 summit in Rome. Officials were proclaiming the unacceptability of net-zero and the unlikelihood of higher targets by India at Rome.

Click Here to read more about India’s ‘Carbon Neutrality by 2070’ pledge

More about India’s new targets

• India’s new targets comprise of five elements which the Prime Minister called Panchamrit.
  1. Reduction of Emissions Intensity (EI), or emissions per unit of GDP, by 45% in 2030 relative to 2005 levels.
  2. From now to 2030, the projected carbon emissions to be reduced by one billion tonnes.
  3. 500 GW of installed renewable generation capacity by 2030.
  4. 50% electricity generation from renewable sources by 2030
  5. Net-zero emissions by 2070.
• India’s submissions of NDC show a steady decline of Emission intensity of 2% p.a. from 2005 onwards which is achievable and on par with the capacity of an emerging country.
• India’s current annual emissions are around 2.8 billion tonnes and are projected to reach about 4.5 billion tonnes in 2030. Hence the commitments at Glasgow would need a substantial 20% reduction. PM also announced the Railways’ net-zero 2030 target cutting 60 million tonnes annually, and LED bulbs cutting another 40 million tonnes a year over the next decade.
• On the power generation capacity, India has added around 101 GW of solar and wind energy against the target of 175 GW commitment at Paris. The Central Electricity Authority (CEA) in its 2020 Report on Energy Mix for 2029-30 has projected around 525 GW or 64.3% non-fossil fuel installed capacity including 280 GW Solar and 140 GW wind. From this, India has virtually pledged no additional coal power at Glasgow. Analysts have however highlighted the difficulties in achieving the same combined with the need for storage and grid stability.

Understanding the inequities

• India should also embrace the Low carbon approach based on the Lifestyle for Environment (LIFE).
• India should seek to achieve equity within the
• country along with the calls for parity and climate justice between nations. It should move beyond mitigation towards a more multi-sectoral approach.
• Adoption of EV and fuel cell vehicles, scaling up of mass public transport, CCUS, Green building codes, recycling with emphasis on methane recovery could be the key aspects of this multi-sectoral approach.

Inadequacy

• India could have joined the declaration to end deforestation by 2030. There are concerns that India is not doing enough and the perceived influence of corporate interests is also a cause of concern. India’s commitments also don’t mention the NCD target for forest and tree covers.
• India did not join the Global Methane Pledge to reduce the effects of short-lived but potent greenhouse gas by 30% by 2030 from 2020 levels.

Way Forward

• India also launched a key international climate initiative called Infrastructure for Resilient Island States (IRIS), aimed at providing technical, knowledge, and financial assistance to small island nations with the help of developed countries.
• Expertise in this regard can be applied domestically too, where coastal erosion, sea-level rise, and urban flooding have been increasing with erratic rainfall patterns and increasing urbanisation.
• Updation of NDC can be done through a cross-partisan multi-stakeholder consultative process that would make it truly nationally determined and implemented.

-Source: The Hindu